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Global Black History

The 3,298 Years Old Mummified Face Of Egyptian Pharaoh Seti I

The 3,298 Years Old Mummified Face Of Egyptian Pharaoh Seti I

Ever since the Europeans and Arabs invaded Kemet/Africa, over a thousand years ago, they have been fascinated and obsessed with the vast knowledge and heritage that the African continent houses.

For centuries, they have dug up the ancient graves of notable Africans from various empires, kingdoms, and cultures, in a bid to understand how Africa got to be so magnificent in civilization, technology, and culture.

The more they searched, the more they found undeniable evidence which points to the fact that Africa’s civilization predated European and Western civilizations. This led many Egyptologists and historians to find ways to discredit the Black/African origin of ancient Egypt (Kemet).

For hundreds of years, they have tried to explain that Egypt was built by aliens, whites, or even giants. But all of these lies meet a water-low when pieces of evidence such as the mummified face of Pharaoh Menmaatre Seti I are put on display.

Archaeologists, Egyptologists, and researchers on ancient Kemet (Egypt) were astonished to see the well-preserved face of Seti I. To date, he is renowned as the most well preserved in all of Ancient Egyptian history, and the world at large.

He died 3,298 years ago and ruled when Egypt was at one of its most affluent peaks – precisely 1290 to 1279 BCE. He was the father of Ramesses II – The greatest pharaoh of all time. When he died, Egyptian Mummification was at its absolute peak of perfection.

Although it is disrespectful to exhume the dead in Africa, the opening of his tomb, by the rebellious researcher Giovanni Battista Belzoni on October 16, 1817, contributed to reducing the arguments which claimed ancient Kemet was white.

Seti I was buried at the Valley of Kings. His tomb is known to be the longest in the ancient cemetery of Noble people of Kemet. His tomb was an astonishing 137 meters (449 ft.). Despite being covered with a yellow garment, tomb raiders desecrated his tomb and dismembered his body, messing up the bandages used in mummification and smashing his abdomen open.

They separated his head from the rest of his body. Fortunately, the raiders did not scar his face. Well, that is what we have been made to know. What is left of his mummified body, is today resting among other Egyptian royal mummies in the Cairo museum.

The Life And Achievements Of Seti I

Seti is known to be the second Pharaoh of the 19th Dynasty, and many consider him the greatest Pharaoh of the New Kingdom of Kemet.

He was a renowned military man, who followed in the footsteps of his father Ramses I who was married to Queen Sitre. He was very powerful, earning multiple titles, such as troop commander, vizier, and head archer.

He commanded the Egyptian army and went on multiple campaigns and battles, during the reign of his father and subsequently during his own reign.

After his father Ramses I died, he ascended the throne and took the name Menmaatre Seti I, as his official pharaoh name. The name meant “Established is the Justice of Re.”

He would later marry the daughter of one of his military lieutenants, named Tuya. Their marriage produced 4 offspring. Their 3rd child, Ramses II would later become Pharaoh in around 1279 BC.

It is not fully clear how long Seti I ruled Egypt. The various translations and accounts put it between 5 to 55 years.

Menmaatre Seti I was the Pharoah who returned Egypt to its lost glory of the 18th dynasty. He led military campaigns into Syria and Libya and expanded the Egyptian empire. He battled the Hittites and kept them from invading Egypt. His army was the first to battle the Hittites.

Before he became Pharaoh, his father, and others before him, had started the restoration of Egypt, from the damages it incurred during the reign of Pharaoh Akhenaten. Egyptians knew Seti I as the “Repeater of Births,” because he focused on bringing the relics of Egypt back to life.

Seti I continued the construction of the great hypostyle hall at Karnak, which was started by his father. The hall at Karnak, to date, remains one of the most impressive monuments of the ancient architecture of Kemet.

He went ahead to also build a memorial temple at Abydos, which he dedicated to Osiris, and six other deities. The original colors of this temple still remain today.

He is often regarded as the most preserved mummy in the world. It really shows.

And let this sink in – HE WAS BLACK – AFRICAN TO THE BONE. Not Caucasian. Not alien. BLACK TO THE BONE.



  1. Iruka Hannon-Watford

    August 7, 2022 at 8:31 pm

    Would very much like to see more history like this. He sounds like a very important figure in African history though there are people who dispute that Egyptian history is African hystory.

  2. Deirdra Manigault

    August 17, 2022 at 5:58 pm

    Thanks for sharing this information! This is AWESOME! THE TRUTH HAS BEEN TOLD! YESSSSSS!

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Global Black History

African Cowboys On The Argentine Pampas: Their Disappearance From The Historical Record

African Cowboys On The Argentine Pampas Their Disappearance From The Historical Record

Following the introduction of cattle into the Caribbean in 1493, during Christopher Columbus’s second voyage, cattle ranching proliferated along a series of frontiers across the grasslands of North and South America. While historians have recognized that Africans and their descendants were involved in the establishment of those ranching frontiers, the emphasis has been on their labor rather than their creative participation. In his recent book, Black Ranching Frontiers: African Cattle Herders of the Atlantic World, 1500-1900, historian Andrew Sluyter explores their creative contributions.  In the article below he describes one such contribution, the baLde sin fondo (bottomless bucket), and its role in cattle ranching on the Pampas of Argentina.

Africans did not play a creative role in establishing cattle ranching on the Pampas during colonial times. Yet by the early 1800s, the presence of enslaved and free people from Senegambia (present-day Senegal and Gambia) on ranches resulted in the introduction of an African water-lifting device: the bottomless bucket, or balde sin fondo. With a victory over Spain in 1818, Argentinean independence, and the opening of new export markets for livestock products, ranching expanded across the vast Pampas grasslands, and new practices dramatically changed the colonial herding ecology.

Africans played a particularly creative role in a key aspect of that transformation, the supplying of drinking water to the herds as they expanded into pastures distant from major perennial streams. That challenge was familiar to Senegambian herders who had to supply water during the long drive southward from the fringes of the Sahara to the banks of the Senegal and Gambia rivers as the rains ended and the vegetation of the Sahel turned from green to brown.

The bottomless bucket provided the solution before windmills rendered it obsolete in the early twentieth century. The bottomless bucket lifted water from wells with the labor of a single person, even a child, on a horse. Observers at the time claimed that a single worker with a change of horses could use a bottomless bucket to water two thousand head of cattle in eight hours.

It achieved that efficiency with a large, calfskin bucket that was open at both ends and had two ropes attached. A thick rope lifted the bucket and a thin rope held the bottom closed until it had emerged from the mouth of the well and could spill the water into a flume that then discharged into a drinking trough. It thereby had the capacity to raise three times as much water with each lift as the wells dating to the colonial period, which used a small bucket pulled up by hand on a single rope.

original bottomless bucket

The conventional wisdom has long been that in the mid-1820s a Spaniard named Vicente Lanuza invented the original bottomless bucket. That claim was first made by Carlos Pellegrini, the head of Argentina’s Office of Industrial Patents, in 1853, years after Lanuza had died, in an article in the periodical Revista del Plata. Pellegrini based his conclusion on Lanuza’s patent application of November 1826. In his application, Lanuza claimed he had invented the bottomless bucket, and in December 1826 the government recognized his creativity by granting him the exclusive right of manufacture for a period of four years. So many economic, agricultural, and environmental historians have since uncritically repeated Pellegrini’s claim that Lanuza was the inventor of the bottomless bucket that it has become conventional wisdom.

Neither Pellegrini nor the many who subsequently repeated his claim seem to have realized that Africans have used nearly identical water-lifting devices for many centuries. They occur in a broad belt that stretches from India in the east to Morocco in the west and southward into the Sahel. And they date to at least the late seventeenth century when Engelbert Kaempfer saw them in Iran and published an illustration of what appears remarkably like a bottomless bucket in his Amoenitatum Exoticarum Politico-Physico-Medicarum Fasciculi V.

Photo 3

That striking resemblance raises the possibility that one or more of the many African residents of the Pampas in the early nineteenth century transferred the idea of the bottomless bucket directly from Africa and that Lanuza appropriated rather than invented it. Sources ranging from newspaper advertisements and censuses to probate inventories and account ledgers all demonstrate that the rural Pampas had a substantial African and Afro-descended population from colonial times through the middle of the nineteenth century.

An Argentine census of August 1815 provides the earliest detailed enumeration and reveals that Africans and Afro-descendants made up 13.6 percent of the population, 4,316 out of the 31,676 inhabitants of the rural districts that stretched from Buenos Aires southward to the frontier at the Salado River. Of the 1,402 inhabitants of African birth, some 64 percent came from West Africa, principally people of Guinea, Mina, and Hausa origin. Another 19 percent were from West-Central Africa: Angola, Congo, and Gabón. Only 2 percent came from Mozambique and Madagascar, in Southeast Africa. And 15 percent lacked any designation more specific than African.

The Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade Database ( helps to further specify the Senegambian origins of many of the West Africans. That online database tabulates 67,246 disembarkations of enslaved Africans along the Río de la Plata between the 1650s and early 1830s, about half arriving before 1750 and the rest afterward. Of the 34,280 disembarkations before 1750, 74 percent originated in West-Central Africa, 6 percent in Southeast Africa, and 20 percent in West Africa. That pattern shifted and became less concentrated after 1750 when out of 32,964 disembarkations only 29 percent originated in West-Central Africa, 45 percent in Southeast Africa, and 26 percent in West Africa.

The vast majority of the West Africans, both before and after 1750, were taken from the Gold Coast (present-day Ghana), the coast of the Bight of Benin (present-day Togo and Benin), and the coast of the Bight of Biafra (present-day Nigeria) rather than Senegambia. Only 2,569 West Africans originated in Senegambia, a mere 3.8 percent of the total. Nonetheless, 85 percent of those Senegambians (2,175) arrived between 1800 and 1806 from fifteen vessels variously flying the Spanish, Portuguese, Danish, and United States flags. The African and Afro-descended population of 1,402 in 1815, therefore, included many Senegambians who were brought to Argentina between 1800 and 1806.

Photo 1

The census provides much less information on the occupations of most of those rural Africans and Afro-descendants but does demonstrate that many were involved in ranching. Probate inventories from the late colonial and early national periods show some of them even owning small herds of cattle, awarded to them by wealthy ranchers to discourage escape from enslavement.

One or more of those Senegambians who arrived between 1800 and 1806, might have built a bottomless bucket based on their prior experience herding cattle across the Sahel, between the valleys of the Gambia, Senegal, and Niger rivers into the southern fringes of the Sahara. Impressed by the efficiency of their water hoist, Lanuza used his social power to appropriate the design as his own invention.

Much remains uncertain about the past, but no direct documentary evidence exists that Lanuza independently invented the bottomless bucket other than his own claim in a patent application through which he hoped to derive a financial benefit. Nor, by the same standard of evidence, does any direct documentary evidence exist that one or more of Lanuza’s slaves built the first bottomless bucket on the Pampas and that Lanuza appropriated that African knowledge and labor. The second possibility, however, seems the most likely because of the many Senegambians who worked on the ranches of the Pampas in the early nineteenth century and the likelihood that some were familiar with the nearly identical form of the bottomless bucket so common in the Sahel of West Africa.

Pellegrini’s claim that Lanuza invented the bottomless bucket seems the process that George Reid Andrews and other historians have shown whereby Argentinean elites consciously erased Africans and Afro-descendants from their nation’s history. With political independence from Spain, the substantial African presence in Argentina began to decline. Between 1810 and 1887, their number in Buenos Aires fell from 9,615 to 8,005 and their proportion from 30 to less than 2 percent of the total population. Explanations for that decline include abolition, at least in law, of the slave trade in 1813 and the resulting reduction in the number of African arrivals.

Parallel legislation emancipated children at birth and adult males through enlistment in the army, resulting in a disproportionately high death rate among enslaved males in the many regional and civil wars of the nineteenth century. Other causes for the decline of the population of African origin include disproportionately high death rates among them due to poverty and the overwhelming influx of European immigrants in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century.

Politics played a particular and peculiar role in this decline.  Africans and Afro-Argentinians helped form the armies that kept the dictator Juan Manuel de Rosas in power from 1829 until 1852.  The liberals who ousted Rosas, such as Pellegrini and Domingo Faustino Sarmiento, characterized Rosas and his gaucho, black, and indigenous supporters as categorically backward.

They minimized the roles of nonwhites in creating Argentinean culture and society and instead promoted it as a white, European, modern, and progressive nation. White Argentines like Pellegrini were the architects of this nationalist narrative. Thus Pellegrini uncritically attributed the invention of the bottomless bucket to Lanuza and subsequent historians and others have just as uncritically accepted and reiterated that claim for the past century and a half.

By becoming more critical of such received ideas about history, we can revise our understanding of how people of African origin contributed to the establishment of environmental, social, and cultural relations in the Americas. Such efforts to achieve a more accurate rendering of Argentine history as well as the histories of other multiracial societies in the New World will allow us to understand how actors of African, European, indigenous, and mixed origins jointly participated in a creative process through which the distinct places of the Americas emerged over the colonial and early national periods.


Sluyter, A. (2015, February 04). African Cowboys on the Argentine Pampas: Their Disappearance from the Historical Record.

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Global Black History

Britains 1919 Race Riots -How Blacks Were Killed And Evicted For Being Successful

Britains 1919 Race Riots -How Blacks Were Killed And Evicted For Being Successful

Britain’s 1919 race riot was one of the most violent periods of racial turmoil in the 20th century. The riot which was reported to have taken place in cities across the UK, including Cardiff, Salford, and Liverpool and was in part sparked by political, social anger, and economic anger. It was reportedly started by white union workers and demobilized white servicemen against Arabs, Blacks, Chinese, and ethnic minority communities and businesses across black communities.

The population of blacks in Liverpool swelled drastically after World War 1, a time the entire nation was in an economic recession. However, the presence of blacks in London and Liverpool has always been immense since the 16th century. Really a difficult period it was, as there was a shortage of labor and shrinkage of industries in port cities such as Cardiff and Liverpool.

There were many targets on Blacks and other ethnic groups by White working-class union workers and former servicemen who lacked the resources to challenge shipping magnates. This led to them driving out or targeting Blacks and other ethnic groups who they saw as foreign competitors for jobs and for the attention of white women, thus threatening Britain’s post-war national identity.

From January 23 to 30 in Glasgow, the British Seafarers Union and the National Sailors’ and Fireman’s Union (NSFU) held anti-immigrant labor conferences blaming foreigners for undercutting white British employment. A fight broke out in January 1919, when black and white seamen waiting to see if they would be hired started jostling each other. Everything spiraled out of control when White bystanders joined in, using knives and makeshift weapons to attack blacks.

As one of the most Black populated cities in Britain, Liverpool experienced the most “ferocious and sustained” rioting in June 1919. Liverpool’s rioting crowd extended up to 10,000 with White rioters lynching Charles Wootton, a young Afro-Caribbean, its main frontrunner. 700 ethnic minorities were temporarily removed from their homes and sought police protection out of fear for their safety.  Blacks, Arabs, and Chinese workers were also shot at during the riots, while homes and businesses were damaged and burnt down by angry white rioters. There were several calls for the Government to reimburse victims for damaged properties but it never happened. Rather the police arrested dozens of rioters.

Blacks in Salford faced their own deadly attack in Mid-June as their properties were destroyed. This witnessed a very slow intervention by the Salford Police. But when the blacks started retaliating against the whites, the police intervened immediately and arrested them. The riot had 5 people killed, and many injured, while 250 got arrested.

After the June riot, the British Government, which had been watching black communities, intensified its repatriation. It launched a move to repatriate colonial citizens in Britain in February 1919. The Government also began the move of removing colonial citizens from Britain out of fear of another backlash by Blacks. A settlement allowance of £2 to £5, with an additional £5 dis-embankment allowance was offered to the repatriates by the British Government.

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